In the eye of the hurricane

BY C.RUMPELNIK AND A.ALABED

In the shadow of Hezbollah and Baathists the secretive Syrian Social Nationalist party is gaining ground in Syria and Lebanon. Syria's bloody civil war seems to have augmented consensus for its militantly Anti-Arab and iron-fist ideology that some observers view as blueprint of Mussolini-style fascism or even Nazism.

Maqdisi Street just off Hamra in Central Beirut. Historically, this is the heartland and home turf of the Syrian Nationalists. And in fact, it's presence cannot be overlooked. A presence that an unprepared visitor familiar with fascist symbolism might give the creeps. The atmosphere is gloomy albeit Maqdisi being home to myriad bars and stores which is not only due to the multi-storey buildings forming impenetrable walls along the narrow street. Much more it's the countless graffiti, banners and posters depicting the SSNP's red hurricane symbol. According to SSNP it was designed by SSNP students at the American University of Beirut while the party was still outlawed and, supposedly represents a fusion of the Christian cross and the Muslim crescent. With the result being more than just reminiscent of a stylized swastika.

Although the SSNP has always denied beinng inspired or even influenced by European fascist movements, similarities do not end with the outlandish emblem. Quite on the contrary, it would be rather straightforward to argue that the SSNP were a simple offshot. In fact, the SSNP makes abundant use of Nazist symbolism. A very strong leader cult - founder Antun Saadeh is regarded a half-god by most SSNP militants - and the frequently practised Roman salute are only the most ostensible ones. Ideologically it is the expansionist vision of a Greater Syria, stretching frim Cyprus and the Sinai as far as Kuwait and some odd kind of Syrian supremacism, outlined in the party's "Eighth Basic Principle" ("Syria's interest supersedes every other interest") that liken it to European fascist ideas. For an allegedly harmless movement they also have odd friendships, ranging from the German NPD and Italy's Forza Nuova and Casapound which are both nostalgic of Mussolini. In the world of the internet SSNP enjoys the questionable endorsement of "IronMarch", which prides itself on being the "Online HQ for the IronMarch Global Fascist Fraternity and the Forge of the 21st Century Fascist"

Back in Beirut, the wall of buildings seems to be metaphoric for a wall of silence. It is common knowledge in Beirut that Maqdisi street is the home turf of the SSNP and that who wants to plant his seeds there needs to be aware of that. Just ten metres of Hamra Street the SSNP has established its own little kingdom with a firm grip on local entrepreuners that are force to buy water and electricity from SSNP suppliers and are charged $600 per month for "security purposes". The locals know about it and have accepted it, as they have accept the many other inconveniences they have to face in modern Lebanon.

One who didn't know about it, was the British journalist Christopher Hitchens who back in 2009 defaced a "hurricane" in the SSNP heartland and experienced first hand SSNP's fascistic tendency towards violencs:

"Well, call me old-fashioned if you will, but I have always taken the view that swastika symbols exist for one purpose only—to be defaced. Telling my two companions to hold on for a second, I flourish my trusty felt-tip and begin to write some offensive words on the offending poster. I say "begin" because I have barely gotten to the letter k in a well-known transitive verb when I am grabbed by my shirt collar by a venomous little thug, his face glittering with hysterical malice. With his other hand, he is speed-dialing for backup on his cell phone. As always with episodes of violence, things seem to slow down and quicken up at the same time: the eruption of mayhem in broad daylight happening with the speed of lightning yet somehow held in freeze-frame. It becomes evident, as the backup arrives, that this gang wants to take me away."

Hitchens got away. Not all do though. Although relatively unknown, it was the SSNP who pioneered bold and daring suicide missions in the years of Israeli occupation, a method it also used against inner-Lebanese foes. In 1982 they assassinated the Phalangist president-elect Bashir Gemayel, a staunch promoter of Lebanese nationalism, later on they were involved in fierce battle with the Hariris and their Future Movement. Although lacking importance on a political, legislative level (SSNP has only two MPs, one from Baalbeek-Hermel and one from Marjuyun)the SSNP has had and many observers say it still has the power to raise the barometer of tension within Lebanon and, in an explosive situation, might ignite the lit fume.

Where does this power come from? Certainly it is not religion. In fact, it is in fierce opposition to religious institutions, demanding uncompromising secularism and separation between state and religion. Probably because SSNP-style Syrian nationalism is in itself a religion. It is not by chance that new recruits are "baptized", symbolizing the washing away of the past and divorcement from everything that is not in service of the idea. They pledge their soul to the "cause" becoming a uniform collective in service of the party and their leader.

That is the specific danger of the party and the most striking parallel to European-style fascism and Nazi-Germany's regime. Most certainly the centering of the Pan-Syrianist ideology on some virtual superior Syrian ethnicity is a similarity to European fascism. Yet, as founder Antun Saadeh specified in wake of World War II, in contrast to Nazism not focussed specifically on one race, but on one nation, composed by people of several ancestries grown into one big-tent Syrian enthnicity. Albeit still all but liberal or inclusive, the SSNP is more opportunistic than profoundly racist, its goal not being some idea of "purity of race" or world dominion, but dominance over one specific nation, the fertile crescent. It therefore fights against whom they view a menace for this objective, that is Israel and the Jewish People on one side, Turkey and the Gulf States and the militias in Syria that they back.

The alliance the SSNP has forged with Syria's dictator Bashar al-Assad and its still powerful Baathists is therefore even more dangerous. Particularly in the increasingly likely case that Assad will manage to reenforce its grip at least on Western Syria. In such a scenario the SSNP would represent a destabilizing factor in the region, propelling the regime in Damascus to pursue a policy of expansionism. For instance towards Lebanon, where it already is present. Given the limited importance the SSNP bears on a regional level this is still an unlikely scenario. However, it has been proven that in the Syrian civil war the balance of powers can easily shift. And then the Swastika banners may fly not only in Maqdisi Street.